The Aegean Sea Dispute in Legal Context: Grey Zones – Imia Islets

by Vasilis Giavris  - Lawyer and Political Scientist

Relations between Greece and Turkey have been characterized by a mutual mistrust emanating from a long history of conflict, animosity and military confrontation. Most alarmingly, Turkey has in the last decades challenged the sovereignty of numerous small islands, islets and rocks in the Aegean Sea that have not, according to Turkey, been specifically ceded to Greece by way of international treaties. Turkey maintains that since these have not been ceded by way of treaty and since, according to Turkey, no agreement concerning the delimitation of maritime boundaries between the two countries in the Aegean exist then these are territories without sovereignty and therefore stateless! 

Turkey has made explicit reference to five Greek inhabited islets in the proximity of Samos and the Dodecanese that have been under Greek administration since 1912 and 1947 respectively. Turkey has gone as far as to claim that 132 islands and islets in the Aegean, currently under Greek administration, belong to Turkey. 

Turkey further maintains that Greece is precluded from exercising sovereignty over these small islands, islets and rocks and accuses Greece of trying to create “fait accompli”. It accuses Greece of territorial expansion beyond areas ceded to her by the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923 and the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. 

The claims made by Turkey lack both legal and academic merit. Greece, quite rightly, denies the existence of any grey zones in the Aegean Sea and denies the existence of any dispute in this regard. The issue of sovereignty in the region has long been settled by the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923 and the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947 which very clearly deal with these matters. 

The Lausanne Peace Treaty 1923, to which both Greece and Turkey are signatories, settled the Anatolian and East Thracian parts of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the borders between Greece and Turkey. Pursuant to Article 12 (1) of this Treaty, the islands of Lemnos, Samothrace, Mytilene, Chios, Samos and Nikaria were ceded to Greece whilst the islands of Imbros, Tenedos, the Rabbit Islands and islands situated at less than three miles from the Asiatic coast remained under Turkish sovereignty. 

Pursuant to Article 15 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty 1923, Turkey renounced in favour of Italy all rights and title over the Dodecanese islands, Castellorizzo and the islets dependent thereon. Moreover, pursuant to Article 14 of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947, signed by Italy and the allied powers after the culmination of World War II, Italy ceded full sovereignty over the Dodecanese islands as well as the adjacent islets to Greece. 

The Lausanne Peace Treaty cannot be unilaterally interpreted by Turkey to promote its irredentist demands and agenda. This treaty makes it clear that all islands and islets situated outside the three mile zone around the Turkish mainland coast, other than the islands of Imbros, Tenedos and the Rabbit Islands, have been awarded to Greece and those located within this zone awarded to Turkey. 

The demarcation is clear-cut which explains why there is no need for these treaties to refer by name to all the islands and islets especially given that there are over two thousand islands and islets involved. Turkey erroneously interprets this provision to mean that all islands and islets not specifically named in Article 12 or not specifically ceded to Greece by way of Treaty belong to Turkey as the rightful heir to the Ottoman Empire or otherwise remain as grey zones that need to be delimited by way of agreement between Turkey and Greece. 

THE IMIA ISLETS 

The Imia islets are located in the southeast Aegean approximately 3.6 miles from the Turkish coast and approximately 5.5 miles from Kalymnos, the nearest major Greek island. Whilst these islets are uninhabited rocks the dispute over their sovereignty nearly culminated in a full scale war between Greece and Turkey in January 1996 when both countries landed Special Forces and raised their respective flags on the islets. The crisis was defused several days later with US “intervention”…. and both countries reluctantly withdrew their respective forces and flags from the islets. 

Turkey maintains the view that the Imia islets are Turkish since they were not specifically referred to in neither the Lausanne Peace Treaty 1923 nor in the Paris Peace Treaty 1947. 

However, the Imia islets are not situated within Turkey’s three miles zone (as required by the Lausanne Peace Treaty 1923) and they were ceded by Turkey to Italy, who in turn ceded their sovereignty to Greece. 

The protocol executed by Turkey and Italy in December of 1932, which sites the Imia islets as belonging to Italy and as such ceded to Greece under the Paris Peace Treaty 1947, acts to further solidify the legitimacy of Greece’s claims. The Greek claims are further supported by Turkish maps - both civilian and military - issued before Turkey raised its present concerns. These clearly confirm Greek sovereignty over the islets. 

Despite exercising its sovereign rights over Imia islets for half a century Greece has, as a gesture of good will, proposed that Turkey submit its claims to the Imia islets to the International Court of Justice at the Hague. Not surprisingly, Turkey refuses to accept this proposal. 

Turkey’s attempt to create “grey zones” in the Aegean and challenge the legitimacy of Greece’s claims over the Imia islets lacks any legal merit under international treaty and customary law. These baseless claims undermine peace and stability in the whole of South-eastern Europe. Most alarmingly however, they reflect arbitrary claims unilaterally raised by Turkey to challenge Greek sovereignty in the Aegean Sea and overthrow the current status quo. 

Foreign policy does not permit illusions. National autonomy, territorial integrity, sovereignty and the security of Greek citizens cannot be compromised or conceded. Turkish irredentism is a potent form of nationalism and Greece must not remain idle and complacent. On the contrary, Greece must continue to insist that resolution to disputes can only be achieved by the implementation of United Nations Resolutions, International Conventions, European Acquis and International Law.

Eliminating the Structural Factors of Corruption in Greece

by Vasilis Giavris  - Lawyer and Political Scientist

Cultural determinants are often used to explicate or excuse corruption in Greece. The popular perception is that culture is a significant determinant of corrupt behavior and social norms across countries can explain the variation in corruption level. Proponents of this cultural relativist approach maintain that it is a country's cultural context that predisposes people’s views and attitudes to corruption since such attitudes and views are socially-embedded. In this regard, many maintain that corruption in Greece is a remnant of Ottoman rule and a direct manifestation of inherent cultural causes.

However, the proposition that a cultural predisposition to corruption exists as a matter of course is a subjective oversimplification. Such proposition fails to understand that it is political structures that provide the best determinant of corruption in Greece and as such fails to account for the important correlation between corruption, the state and political parties. Whilst cultural factors cannot be totally disregarded, the emergence of political corruption in Greece is more dependant on political factors then inherent cultural causes.

Political influence upon the bureaucracy in Greece is a direct manifestation of the late development of the Greek state and the simultaneous institutionalization of the state bureaucracy alongside the emergence of political parties and the political party system.  This has resulted in a weak executive and the development of patron-client relationships. Indeed one cannot underestimate the construction of patron-client networks between the major political parties and various local factions, unions and business leaders.

The lack of effective or appropriate checks and balances in Greece has inherently facilitated abuse of power and corruption and has promoted and permitted the arbitrary exercise of power by government and political parties. The lack of checks and balances has not permitted a system based regulation that could have prevented one power branch or political group/s from dominating the state apparatus for their own benefit.

 Where to from here?

Corruption in Greece has become systemic but it does not exist in vacuum nor can it be analysed and explained on the basis of existing social norms or cultural particularities. On the contrary, it is political structures that provide the best determinant of corruption in Greece and as such, it is these structures that require urgent modification. This can only be achieved if corruption is treated as a principal national campaign rather then as opportunistic political rhetoric used to quell grassroots dissent and score political mileage.

The IMF and the imposition of social policy cutbacks and reforms in Greece

by Vasilis Giavris - Lawyer & Political Scientist

Social policy is increasingly being driven by global economic forces and international organizations. As a result, more and more individuals all over the world are being affected by state policies adopted in consultation with, or, imposed by, global and regional actors such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the EU. The effect of these transnational organizations on the social policy decision making arena is not limited to the developing world where the lack of financial and administrative ability is detrimental to a state's ability to adopt and implement an independent social policy agenda. On the contrary, it affects developing and developed states alike especially in circumstances where a state may find itself in economic disarray and in need of urgent financial assistance from international financial actors such as the World Bank and the IMF. 

The sovereign debt crisis currently engulfing Greece resulted in Greece obtaining a bailout from the IMF and the Eurozone member states. In both circumstances the loans were not unconditional. Greece is required to adopt structural adjustment policies that significantly affect Greece’s ability to adopt and implement independent social policy reforms.

Arguably, the best way to deal with poverty eradication and an increase in living standards is to combine “a commitment to economic development with the introduction of social policies that specifically and directly address the poverty problem”. In terms of social policy reform the main ingredients of the IMF/Eurozone recipe include the implementation of harsh Greek austerity measures including the deregulation of industry, privatization, drastic cutbacks to wages and existing pension schemes and dramatic changes in employment laws.

The attempt to meet the fiscal targets imposed by the IMF and the Eurozone member states in Greece has and will continue to significantly affect the provision of social services including health care and pension services. Unfortunately, social policy decisions have been dictated by the IMF and the Eurozone member states without particular regard to the specific socio-economic realities that apply to Greece. The IMF and the Eurozone member states continue to put enormous pressure on pensions and pension and wage-related costs. They continue to impose tight constraints on government expenditures which have extremely affected the ability of the Greek government to implement social protection systems to the elderly, the unemployed and the poor.

The IMF’s core duty is to assist states that are in financial need. It does so by negotiating with states in order to reach a mutually agreeable solution to existing problems. However, the IMF and the Eurozone member states did more then just negotiate. In Greece they have imposed economic and social policy decisions on a state that is reliant on the receipt of IMF and Eurozone member states funds to survive.

Transnational actors such as the IMF are increasingly seeking to impose social policy decisions on democratically elected national governments. In the process, they inadvertently challenge state sovereignty and the democratic principle of self determination. In doing so, the role of states is being diminished to that of providing an enabling environment for private provision of services and investments.

The Greek government has a moral duty to renegotiate the “Loan Agreements” and demand the implementation of appropriate provisions and equitable economic reforms that will stimulate the economy, increase investment and consumer confidence, provide for a fair tax policy that will achieve an equitable distribution of tax burdens and tax benefits and most importantly adopt reforms that will help reduce poverty and inequality and enable the state to provide for its citizens most in need.

In a period of crisis, demanding the adoption of certain harsh economic policies and reforms in exchange for the provision of loan funds (especially when such crisis has predominantly been caused by state corruption, systemic failure, greed and incompetence) is not immoral if such reforms are rewarded by delivering a better future and improving people's lives. But, as the implementation of the “Mnimonio” has demonstrated during the past thirteen months, a better future remains an elusive goal for most Greek citizens.

HELLENIC DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE

PARTICIPATE - CHALLENGE - TRANSFORM

WE MUST DEAL WITH THE CURRENT CRISIS

Because:

• Greece is undergoing a deep and multifaceted crisis: a political crisis, an economic crisis, a social crisis and a crisis of values.

• Human values and ideals are dissipating under the enormity of the burden imposed by a shadow economy, systemic corruption, a consumerist society and an ethos of easy enrichment.

• The current political system of governance is decayed, bankrupt and in need of fundamental restructuring.

WE MUST BECOME ACTIVE CITIZENS – WE MUST CHALLENGE CORRUPTION

Because:

• The Hellenic political system has transcended into a system that appropriates and abuses power and serves to maintain domestic and foreign economic and political interests.

• The current political system of governance sustains, and is sustained by, corruption, nepotism and clientelism.

• Corruption is ingrained across multiple segments of Greek society. It impedes on economic growth and causes political destabilization and destruction of government capacity.

• The fight against corruption, nepotism and clientelism requires civil engagement, strategic coordination, deep institutional and legal reforms, political will, the enforcement of the rule of law and the establishment of a new political and cultural ethos.

WE MUST HELP TRANSFORM GREECE - WE MUST HELP ESTABLISH A NEW POLITY

Because:

• The transformation of Greece necessitates a paradigm shift that incorporates Hellenic values and ideals and ushers a new era of government responsibility and inclusive governance. 

• The establishment of a new political and cultural ethos requires the development of a new democratic understanding that appropriately balances the needs of the individual with the wider interests of society.

• Government needs to be transparent and accountable to its citizens. It must encourage public participation and collaboration, the adoption of the rule of law, the promotion of citizens welfare, solidarity, social justice, prosperity and environmental responsibility.

• The establishment of a new polity demands active and dynamic Hellenic citizens of the world, free from introspection, dogmatism, partisanship and corruption.

WE MUST DEMAND THE STRENGTHENING OF OUR FOREIGN POLICY

Because:

• Foreign policy does not permit illusions and idleness but rather requires active diplomacy and a dynamic international presence. It requires the adoption of a multilateral foreign policy that broadens and deepens engagement with the international community and creates strategic international alliances.

• The pursuit of national interests and dealing with emerging national and global threats requires a unified national strategy that best reflects the aspirations of Hellenism and current global realities.

• National autonomy, territorial integrity, sovereignty and the security of Greek citizens cannot be compromised or conceded.

• Resolution to long standing national disputes can only be achieved by strengthening national confidence, promoting national interests and insisting on the implementation of United Nations Resolutions, International Conventions, European Acquis and International Law.

WE MUST DEMAND ECONOMIC REFORM  

Because:

• Greece is at the brink of bankruptcy, having entered into a vicious circle of high public debt, explosive budget deficits, low competitiveness and inadequate production and technological development.

• Greece remains totally dependant on the International Monetary Fund, the Eurozone member-states and on local and foreign economic interests.

• Greece is a victim of governmental incompetence. It endures uneven income distribution, poor infrastructure, high unemployment, corruption and large scale systemic state capture.

WE MUST HELP ENHANCE AND MOBILISE THE HELLENIC DIASPORA

Because:

• A true national reconstruction needs to inspire and mobilize the global forces of Hellenism.

• The Hellenic Diaspora, and the millions of Hellenes that comprise it, are an integral part of Greece and should not be wasted on short sighted foreign policy gains and party political power games.

• The Hellenic Diaspora needs to stand up and accept that they have a historical and moral obligation to contribute towards a new post-partisan leadership that will champion a new ethos and vision for Hellenism and Greece.

• The Hellenic Diaspora must help motivate, encourage and mobilize the wider Hellenic forces and create the essential consents and momentum required to enhance the aspirations of Hellenism in the 21st century.

• The establishment of a coordinated national strategy to deal with issues affecting the Hellenic Diaspora is of paramount importance in particular since the Hellenic Diaspora is currently undergoing an existential crisis and a serious threat of total assimilation within the national environment it resides.

WE NEED TO UNDERSTAND AND RESPOND TO THE CHALLENGES OF GLOBALIZATION

Because:

• We live in an inter-dependent world in which political, cultural and economic events are interconnected and where emerging global challenges require global analysis, global commitment and a global response.

• Hellenism needs to reassess its future. It must devise a strategy that will secure its presence in a new globalised world by instilling national confidence and investing in technological and educational excellence and in its historical and cultural traditions.

• The problems associated with education, unemployment, globalization, consumerism, labor rights, drug use, human rights abuses and environmental destruction are problems that transcend national borders and affect Greece, Hellenism and the wider global community and are the result of a profound global social crisis that is affecting humanity.

WE MUST DEMAND GLOBAL IMPLEMENTATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

Because:

• As Hellenic citizens of the world it is our duty to promote social progress, prosperity, equality and a universal standard of human rights.

• Respect for human rights, natural law and fundamental freedoms are common entitlements that should be afforded to all humans irrespective of social status, gender, political beliefs, and religion or ethnic origins.

• The right to dignity, the right to work, the right to education and the right to adequate standard of living are human rights that must be afforded to every citizen.

WE MUST DEMAND AN OVERHAUL OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM

Because:

• Because access to free, quality education is a fundamental human right that must be provided to all citizens irrespective of income and residential location.

• The aim of education must be to cultivate knowledge and develop research capabilities, technical training as well as critical thinking and free inquiry.

• The Hellenic education system is dysfunctional, bureaucratic and outdated and fails to meet the demands of society, the employment market and the prospects of the 21st century.

• A radical reconstruction of the existing education system is necessary in order to meet the growing demands of a globalized world and to help create ethical, cultured, educated, disciplined and confident citizens ready and able to face the challenges of the future and serve society as worthy citizens.

WE MUST DEMAND FREE QUALITY HEALTH CARE

Because:

• Access to free quality health care to all citizens irrespective of income and residential location is a fundamental human right.

• An effective health care system needs to be anthropocentric, fair, efficient, reliable and equally accessible to all and not subject to radical privatization, commercialization and corruption.

• The Hellenic health system requires urgent overhaul and reform in order effectively eliminate corruption and deal with the growing requirements of an ageing population, medical advances and the health challenges of the 21st Century.

• The modernization of methodologies and infrastructure and the provision of increased government resources and aid towards medical research and technology should be a government policy priority.

WE MUST HELP PROTECT THE ENVIRONMENT – WE NEED TO SUPPORT A NEW ECOLOGICAL APPROACH

Because:

• Damage to the Hellenic environment, the destruction of valuable natural resources and the need for a balanced ecosystem are important issues that transcend borders and equally affect Greece and the wider world.

• There is a deep correlation between modern methods of production, unsustainable patterns of consumption, corruption and irresponsible development and construction.

• Emphasis needs to be placed on the environmental rights and needs of future generations and the equitable distribution of environmental risk in our society.

• Environmental issues require a sustainable ecological approach, the adoption of ecological values and a radical change in all sectors of Greek society.

The HELLENIC DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE for Hellenism, Transparency and Social Justice is a recently established global Hellenic non-profit organisation.

It was established by Hellenes of the Diaspora and aims to help:

 1. Promote transparency, social justice and the adoption of the rule of law in Greece;

2. Unify, motivate, encourage and mobilize the global democratic forces of Hellenism;

3. Combat corruption, nepotism, human rights abuses, clientelism and environmental damage;

 4. Engage civil society and undertake direct initiatives to help promote Hellenic interests and deal with challenges imposed by globalization;

 5. Encourage political activism and establish an open socio-political dialogue that will identify and address issues affecting Greece, Hellenism and global society;

 6. Formulate an ecumenical, patriotic, social alliance that will articulate a new  ethos and will create the necessary consents and momentum required to enhance the aspirations of Hellenism in the 21st  century; 

 7.    Advance a truly representative democracy that will encourage civil discourse and citizen    participation and will provide citizens with means of checking and balancing governmental authority and power.

HELLENIC DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE 

for Hellenism, Transparency and Social Justice

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΗ ΠΡΩΤΟΒΟΥΛΙΑ

  





ΑΝΤΙΔΡΟΥΜΕ ΣΤΗ ΚΡΙΣΗ

- Επειδή η Ελλάδα διέρχεται σήμερα μία βαθιά, δομική και πολύπλευρη κρίση. Κρίση πολιτική, κρίση οικονομική, κρίση κοινωνική και κρίση αξιών. 

- Επειδή οι ανθρώπινες αξίες, και τα ιδανικά συρρικνώνονται από το βάρος της σύγχρονης καταναλωτικής κοινωνίας και την διαφθορά. 

- Επειδή το υπαρκτό πολιτικό σύστημα διακυβέρνησης είναι παρακμασμένο, έχει χρεοκοπήσει και χρειάζεται θεμελιακή ανασυγκρότηση. 

ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΙΝΟΥΜΕ ΣΤΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ - ΚΑΤΑΔΙΚΑΖΟΥΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΔΙΑΦΘΟΡΑ

- Επειδή το πολιτικό σύστημα της Ελλάδος έχει μετατραπεί σε σύστημα κατάχρησης και οικειοποίησης της εξουσίας.

- Επειδή το πολιτικό σύστημα της Ελλάδος εκτρέφει και συντηρείται από τη διαφθορά και την πελατειακή σχέση. 

- Επειδή η πάταξη της διαφθοράς και της πελατειακής σχέσης στην Ελλάδα απαιτεί την περαιτέρω ενίσχυση της Δημοκρατίας, θεσμικές μεταρρυθμίσεις, πολιτική βούληση, αυστηρή επιβολή το νόμου, νέα παιδεία και ριζική αλλαγή νοοτροπίας. 

ΔΙΑΜΟΡΦΩΝΟΥΜΕ ΜΙΑ ΝΕΑ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΑΝΤΙΛΗΨΗ 

- Επειδή η ανασυγκρότηση της Ελλάδας προϋποθέτει κοινωνική συνοχή και την ύπαρξη μιας νέας δημοκρατικής αντίληψης που θα θα στοχεύει πρώτα στον άνθρωπο και στις ανάγκες του κοινωνικού συνόλου. 

- Επειδή μια τέτοια αντίληψη πρέπει να συμβαδίζει με τις διαχρονικές ανθρώπινες και Ελληνικές αξίες και να έχει ως στόχο το κράτος δικαίου, την ευημερία του πολίτη, την κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη και το σεβασμό στο περιβάλλον. 

- Επειδή η διαμόρφωση ενός νέου πολίτη προϋποθέτει ενεργούς και δυναμικούς Έλληνες πολίτες του κόσμου, απαλλαγμένους από την εσωστρέφεια, τον δογματισμό, τον κομματισμό και την διαφθορά και ικανούς να δημιουργήσουν τις απαραίτητες κοινωνικές συναινέσεις και συμφωνίες.

ΔΥΝΑΜΩΝΟΥΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΞΩΤΕΡΙΚΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ 

- Επειδή η εξωτερική πολιτική δεν επιτρέπει αυταπάτες και αδράνεια άλλα χρειάζεται δυναμική παρουσία, διευρυμένα διεθνή ερείσματα και προληπτική διπλωματία. 

- Επειδή τα εθνικά θέματα απαιτούν δραστηριοποίηση και οργάνωση και χάραξη μιας εθνικής στρατηγικής που ανταποκρίνεται στις προσδοκίες του Ελληνισμού και στην καινούργια παγκόσμια πραγματικότητα που διαμορφώνεται. 

- Επειδή η εθνική ανεξαρτησία, η εδαφική ακεραιότητα, τα κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα και η ασφάλεια των Ελλήνων πολιτών δεν χωρούν στη λογική των παραχωρήσεων. 

- Επειδή η αναζήτηση λύσεων στα εθνικά θέματα πρέπει να στηρίζονται στην εθνική αυτοπεποίθηση, στο εθνικό συμφέρον, στα ψηφίσματα του ΟΗΕ, τις Διεθνές Συμβάσεις, το Ευρωπαϊκό κοινοτικό κεκτημένο και το Διεθνές Δίκαιο. 

ΑΝΑΣΥΓΚΡΟΤΟΥΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ

- Επειδή η Ελλάδα απειλείται σοβαρά με πτώχευση, έχοντας εισέλθει σε ένα φαύλο κύκλο υψηλών ελλειμμάτων, μηδαμινής ανάπτυξης και χαμηλής ανταγωνιστικότητας

- Επειδή η Ελλάδα σήμερα βρίσκεται σε πλήρης εξάρτηση από το Διεθνές Νομισματικό Ταμείο και από γηγενή και εξωτερικά οικονομικά συμφέροντα.

- Επειδή η Ελλάδα πλήττεται από την έντονη ανισοκατανομή του εισοδήματος, την έλλειψη κίνητρων και υποδομών, την υψηλή ανεργία, την παραοικονομία, την διαφθορά και από μηδαμινή παραγωγική και τεχνολογική ανάπτυξη.

ΚΙΝΗΤΟΠΟΙΟΥΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΙΑΣΠΟΡΑ 

  

- Επειδή μια πραγματική εθνική ανασυγκρότηση πρέπει να εμπνέει και να κινητοποιεί τις οικουμενικές δυνάμεις του Ελληνισμού.

- Επειδή ο Ελληνισμός της διασποράς πρέπει να αποτελεί κύτταρο αναδημιουργίας της Ελλάδος, να έχει ενεργό συμμετοχή, να προβάλει καινοτόμες ιδέες, νέα οράματα και ένα νέο είδος πολιτικής νοοτροπίας και συμπεριφοράς που θα προσδίδει στην Ελλάδα νέα ελπίδα και νέα προοπτική

- Επειδή η χάραξη μιας εθνικής στρατηγικής στα θέματα που αφορούν τον απόδημο Ελληνισμού είναι απαραίτητη και δεν επιτρέπει αυταπάτες και κομματισμούς, ιδιαίτερα σήμερα που ο Ελληνισμός της διασποράς διέρχεται υπαρξιακή κρίση και αφομοιώνεται από το εθνικό περιβάλλον που ζει.

- Επειδή ο απόδημος Ελληνισμός αποτελεί αναπόσπαστο κομμάτι της Ελλάδος και δεν πρέπει να θυσιάζεται στο βωμό της μικροπολιτικής και της ευκαιριακής εξωτερικής πολιτικής. 

ΚΑΤΑΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΤΙΣ ΠΡΟΚΛΗΣΕΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟΠΟΙΗΣΗΣ 

- Επειδή ο Ελληνισμός πρέπει να επανασχεδιάσει το μέλλον του και να καταστρώσει τη παρουσία του στην νέα παγκόσμια πραγματικότητα με αυτοπεποίθηση και τόλμη, επενδύοντας στην τεχνογνωσία, στην μόρφωση και στην καινοτομία αλλά και στηριζόμενος στην ιστορία και την πολιτισμό του.

- Επειδή τα προβλήματα της παιδείας, της ανεργίας, της παγκοσμιοποίησης του καταναλωτισμού, τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα, τα ναρκωτικά, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και η οικολογική καταστροφή είναι προβλήματα που επηρεάζουν την Ελλάδα, τον Ελληνισμό αλλά και την ευρύτερη παγκόσμια κοινωνία και είναι αποτέλεσμα μιας βαθύτατης παγκόσμιας κοινωνικής κρίσης που μαστίζει και προκαλεί την ανθρωπότητα.

ΥΠΕΡΑΣΠΙΖΟΜΑΣΤΕ ΤΑ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ 

- Επειδή ως Έλληνες πολίτες του κόσμου πρέπει και να προάγουμε την κοινωνική πρόοδο, την αλληλεγγύη, την ανεκτικότητα, την ευημερία, την ισότητα και τα δικαιώματα του ανθρώπου. 

- Επειδή ο σεβασμός στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και τις βασικές ελευθερίες όλων τον ανθρώπων και πολιτών ανεξάρτητα πολιτικών, η θρησκευτικών ή άλλων πεποιθήσεων, εθνικής ή κοινωνικής προελεύσεως είναι θεμελιακό ζήτημα.

ΕΠΕΝΔΥΟΥΜΕ ΣΤΗΝ ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑ 

- Επειδή η παιδεία απαιτεί σταθερή εθνική στρατηγική και πολιτική που θα ανταποκρίνεται στις απαιτήσεις της κοινωνίας και στις προοπτικές του 21ου αιώνα.

- Επειδή η πρόσβαση στη δωρεάν παιδεία αποτελεί αναφαίρετο ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα. 

- Επειδή το εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα πρέπει να προωθεί και να θεμελιώνει την γνώση, την έρευνα, την τεχνολογική εκπαίδευση και να διαμορφώνει πολίτες με ήθος, μόρφωση και κριτική σκέψη έτοιμοι να αντιμετωπίσουν το μέλλον με όπλα τη μάθηση και τον πολιτισμό. 

- Επειδή η ανάγκη μιας νέας παιδείας και ενός νέου εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος απαιτεί ριζική ανασυγκρότηση και την αναζήτηση μιας εναλλακτικής πρότασης που θα αντικαταστήσει το υπάρχον δυσλειτουργικό, γραφειοκρατικό και αναξιοκρατικό μοντέλο και θα καλύπτει και θα προβλέπει τις πραγματικές ανάγκες της αγοράς εργασίας.

ΑΠΑΙΤΟΥΜΕ ΠΟΙΟΤΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΥΓΕΙΑΣ 

- Επειδή το σύστημα υγείας πρέπει να είναι ανθρωποκεντρικό, αποτελεσματικό, αξιόπιστο και κοινωνικά δίκαιο και να διασφαλίζει και να βελτιώνει το επίπεδο υγείας τον πολιτών.

- Επειδή η υγεία πρέπει να αποτελεί προστατευόμενο δημόσιο αγαθό και όχι στόχος αισχρής εμπορευματοποίησης, επιχειρηματικής δράσης και διαφθοράς.

- Επειδή η ενίσχυση του κράτους πρόνοιας, και η παροχή υψηλού επιπέδου δωρεάν υπηρεσιών υγείας προς όλους τους πολίτες αποτελεί θεμελιακό ζήτημα και βασικό ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα.

- Επειδή ο εκσυγχρονισμός των υποδομών και μεθόδων του δημόσιου συστήματος υγείας και η αύξηση των κρατικών πόρων προς την ιατρική έρευνα και την τεχνολογία πρέπει να αποτελεί βασική πολιτική προτεραιότητα.

ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΕΟΥΜΕ ΤΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ - ΣΤΗΡΙΖΟΥΜΕ ΝΕΑ ΟΙΚΟΛΟΓΙΚΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ

- Επειδή η φθορά του περιβάλλοντος και η καταστροφή πολύτιμων φυσικών πόρων της ανθρωπότητας αποτελεί σοβαρό Ελληνικό και παγκόσμιο πρόβλημα και είναι αποτέλεσμα τον σύγχρονων μεθόδων παραγωγής, του απερίσκεπτου καταναλωτισμού και της ανεξέλεγκτης δόμησης και ανάπτυξης.

- Επειδή το ζήτημα της περιβαντολλογικής υποβάθμισης χρειάζεται ουσιαστική οικολογική προσέγγιση και ριζική μεταβολή σε όλους τους τομείς της Ελληνικής κοινωνίας.

- Επειδή όλα αυτά πρέπει να αποτελούν θεμελιώδη δέσμευση και υποχρέωση μιας αληθινά δημοκρατικής πολιτείας. 

- Επειδή σε αυτά τα προβλήματα ο Ελληνισμός δεν πρέπει και δεν μπορεί να συνεχίζει να σιωπά και να μένει αμέτοχος. Αντιθέτως πρέπει να συμμετέχει, να δημιουργεί και να πρωτοπορεί.

- Επειδή όλα αυτά χρειάζονται μια συντονισμένη, συνολικότερη και αποτελεσματικότερη αντιμετώπιση με βάση την κοινή ανιδιοτέλεια των ατόμων.

 - Επειδή όλα αυτά παραμένουν ζητούμενο και όχι οριστική κατάκτηση.

  

Η  ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΗ ΠΡΩΤΟΒΟΥΛΙΑ  για τον Ελληνισμό, την Διαφάνεια και την Κοινωνική Δικαιοσύνη είναι μια νέο-ιδρυθείσα παγκόσμια Ελληνική μη κερδοσκοπική οργάνωση. 

Ιδρύθηκε από Έλληνες της Διασποράς και επιδιώκει να συμβάλει στην λήψη κοινών πρωτοβουλιών για:

1. Την δημιουργία ενός ανοιχτού και γόνιμου πολιτικού και κοινωνικού διαλόγου και ακτιβισμού που θα αναζητεί και θα προβάλει εναλλακτικές λύσεις στο σημερινό αδιέξοδο και στα προβλήματα που μαστίζουν τον Ελληνισμό και την ανθρωπότητα.
2. Την ενότητα, δικτύωση και άμεση δραστηριοποίηση όλων των δημοκρατικών δυνάμεων του Ελληνισμού.
3. Την καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς, την εξυγίανση του πολιτικού και οικονομικού συστήματος, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, τα εθνικά θέματα και την οικολογία.
4. Την διασφάλιση μιας πραγματικά αντιπροσωπευτικής Δημοκρατίας στην οποία ο πολίτης συμμετέχει ενεργά, παρεμβαίνει και ελέγχει άμεσα την εξουσία.
5. Την διαμόρφωση ενός ουσιαστικού, οικουμενικού, ανανεωτικού εγχειρήματος, μιας μεγάλης κοινωνικής πατριωτικής συμμαχίας που θα πρεσβεύει ένα νέο ήθος και μια σχέση αντιπροσώπευσης με νέους κοινωνικοπολιτικούς όρους.

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΗ ΠΡΩΤΟΒΟΥΛΙΑ 

για τον Ελληνισμό, την Διαφάνεια και την Κοινωνική Δικαιοσύνη

Combating Corruption in Greece

by Vasilis Giavris - Lawyer & Political Scientist

The best deterrent to corruption is the existence and enforcement of appropriate laws and penalties that deter governmental officials from corrupt practices. The increased levels of corruption and the complexity of the methods used to effect such corruption do require a legal framework that permits and encourages thorough investigation and prosecution of corrupt acts.

In Greece, until recently the term ‘corruption’ did not appear in any law or legislation but rather offences such as bribery were integrated and dealt with through the wider criminal law jurisprudence. As a result, these offences were treated as misdemeanors rather then serious felonies. To Greece’s credit, it has recently ratified all relevant European Union, OECD and United Nations conventions dealing with corruption and has integrated most of these in its national legislation. Nonetheless, whilst the ratification of anti-corruption legislation has been a step in the right direction further legislative changes are required.

Parliamentary Immunity

Urgent amendments to existing laws relating to Parliamentary immunity and the ministerial statute of limitation are required. Currently, parliamentary immunity permits politicians to refuse to testify, thus evading any attempt at preliminary investigation, even when they are personally under suspicion. Moreover, the existence of a short statute of limitation period for prosecution of ministers effectively means that no minister can be prosecuted for an offence that occurred during a previously dissolved parliamentary session. At best he can only be named and shamed. The revising of existing laws to retrospectively lift the parliamentary immunity of politicians in regard to charges of corruption is imperative. This will significantly increase the confidence of Greek citizens in their institutions, and in turn, on their own legal compliance.

Criminalizing the possession of unexplained wealth

A most effective way by a state to deal with corruption is the introduction of laws that criminalize the possession of unexplained wealth and facilitate its confiscation. However, there are potential drawbacks to retrospective changes to legislation especially when these may be perceived as infringing on civil rights. Nonetheless, a reasonable compromise between civil rights and the need to tackle corruption must be sought. To the extent that this can be compatible, Greece must adopt strict laws that criminalize the possession of unexplained wealth by politicians and public servants. To enhance the effectiveness of this provision Greece should consider shifting the burden of proof to the accused. In circumstances were such wealth is disproportionate to the salaries they have been receiving and no legitimate explanation can be produced to explain for such discrepancy then criminal investigations should be initiated and charges laid. Indeed, such wealth and property should be confiscated as the product of illicit enrichment.

The fight against corruption, nepotism and clientelism in Greece requires civil engagement, deep institutional and legal reforms, political will, the enforcement of the rule of law and the establishment of a new political and cultural ethos. 

It requires active, post-partisan Hellenes.